Paul Primeau

Paul Primeau was mentioned little in the journals of Lewis and Clark. Aside from a list of engages, little is known of Primeau. Primeau served as an Arikara interpreter for the expedition. Originally from Chateauguay, Canada, Primeau married Pelagie Bissonet in St. Louis in 1799 (Brown-Trogdon). The captains discharged him from the expedition in the fall of 1804 with Gravelines, Lajeunesse and two others (Clark). However, glimpses of Primeau are found in other references.

Evidence suggests that the Northwest Company may have employedRoc Primeau prior to his work for Lewis and Clark (Johnson). During the expedition, Clark mentioned Primeau sparingly in his journal entries. Primeau appeared in Clark’s entry for November 6, 1804, returning on a pirogue with three others to the Arikaras (Clark). Aside from a few cursory mentions on a roster of engagés, hardly anything else is known about his involvement with the expedition.

There was evidence to suggest that multiple members of the Expedition, including the engagés, were involved in disputes with others or the law. Within the St. Louis Circuit Court archives there are records of Corps of Discovery members John Boley, John Collins, John Colter, George Drouillard, Etienne Malbouf, John Newman, Paul Primeau, Nathaniel Pryor, Isaac White, and Alexander Willard, who all remained in the St. Louis area after the expedition. Primeau’s record comes from 1810. As plaintiff, Primeau sought relief for a debt owed by Louis Lebeaume. Lebeaume apparently owed Primeau for ‘divers [sic] goods, wares, and merchandise’ but failed to pay him. The court ordered the sheriff then to summon Lebeaume (St. Louis Circuit Court Records). Since many transactions occurred through the use of promissory notes rather than currency, in Primeau v. Lebeaume, Lebeaume likely signed a promissory note which he probably could or would not later pay.

In a separate event, Primeau and his family appear again in court records. In 1820, Primeau’s brother-in-law Louis Bissonet and two others, as employees of Pratte and Vasquez, were wounded in an attack by Native Americans. Such occurrences were common at the time; similar to that of George Drouillard who also faced violence from Native Americans after relations soured due to continuing encroachment. Later, when Louis died in 1836, Paul Primeau was appointed as the administrator of Louis’ estate. The heirs to Louis Bissonet’s estate were his brother, his nephew and niece, and his sister Pelagie (Luttig).

When Primeau died in 1851 of old age, he was initially interred in the Rock Springs Cemetery, located in what is today the Central West End neighborhood of St. Louis, MO. The Rock Springs Cemetery was in use from about 1849 to 1866. Even though a few deceased were buried there afterward, the Catholic Church officially abandoned the cemetery in 1899, and the remains of many of the deceased were moved to Calvary Cemetery, north of downtown St. Louis, and a vault beneath St. Bridget of Erin Catholic Church in St. Louis, which subsequently closed. As recent as 2011, other remains have been found and moved from Rock Springs to Calvary (Campbell, Personal communication, 04 May 2022). However, other sources describe findings of human remains near the old Rock Springs cemetery as recently as 2014 (Currier). And many of the remains were moved unclaimed (Campbell). As far as Primeau is concerned, if his remains were not left behind in Rock Springs, he may have been moved to the vault beneath St. Bridget, and then moved to Calvary. Otherwise he may currently lay in section 5 of Calvary cemetery for a section designated ‘known only to God.’ There is a lesser likelihood his remains are in a plot set up by his son, Louis (Campbell, personal communication, 04 May 2022).

References

• Brown-Trogdon, Jo Ann. “The St. Charles Boatmen.” lewis-clark.org, https:// https://lewis-clark.org/members/st-charles-boatmen/
• Campbell, Mike. Email. 03 May 2022. RE: Webform submission from: Contact Us > Widgets > Section Items.
• Clark, William. “November 6, 1804 Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition.” Lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu, https://lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu/item/lc.jrn.1804-11-06#lc.jrn.1804-11-06.02
• Currier, Joel. June 6, 2014. “Tomb is found during excavation near St. Louis IKEA site.” St. Louis Post-Dispatch. https://www.stltoday.com/news/local/metro/tomb-is-found-during-excavation-near-st-louis-ikea-site/article_399296f4-e0fd-50a7-81a0-d4e524e91163.html
• Johnson, Simone, A. The French Presence in Kansas, 1673-1854. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://kuscholarworks.ku.edu/bitstream/handle/1808/21248/Dinneen_FrenchInKs_full.pdf.txt;jsessionid=FB441FCF34EC501CE5CDA3258D6D0108?sequence=3
• Luttig, John C. Journal of a Fur-trading Expedition on the Upper Missouri: 1812-1813. St. Louis: Missouri Historical Society, 1920.
• Rock Springs Cemetery in Saint Louis, Missouri – find a Grave. (n.d.). Retrieved May 3, 2022, from https://www.findagrave.com/cemetery/31190/rock-springs-cemetery.
• St. Louis Circuit Court Records. Paul Primeau v. Louis Labeaume. (2011). Retrieved May 3, 2022, from http://digital.wustl.edu/legalencodingproject/ccrweb/ccr1810.00088.008.html

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Joseph LaLiberté – Deserter

One of the more obscure individuals mentioned in the journals of the Corps of Discovery was a man hired as a civilian, Joseph LaLiberté, likely used as an interpreter to the Oto people. Due to differences in spelling, LaLiberté may have been known as Le Bartee, Barter, Jo Barter, or Joab Barton. On Sunday, July 29, 1804, Lewis and Clark sent La Liberté with an Indian man to invite chiefs to meet with the expedition for a council. No one from the expedition would see La Liberté again until August 7, when Lewis and Clark ordered a search for another deserter, Private Moses Reed. According to Clark’s orders, George Drouillard, Francois Labiche, and two others were to put Reed to death if he did not give up peaceably (Clark, August 7, 1804). On August 17, Labiche returned to the expedition and reported that they had caught LaLiberté, “but he decived [sic] and got away” (Clark). As far as Reed, after he appealed for clemency, Clark ordered that he run the gauntlet four times (Clark, August 18, 1804). This meant that Reed walked through two columns of members of the expedition and each member of the expedition would strike him with switches. Reed could have suffered a total of 828 strokes (Mussulman) by the time the sentence was finished. Traditionally, each stroke required vigor, lest members of the gauntlet suffer the same fate.

In practice, commanders sentenced deserters to 180 lashes administered 25 at a time, although execution was not uncommon (Blyth, 5). At the outbreak of the War of 1812, when the regular army numbered around 19,000 people, commanders issued four death sentences for desertion, with three gaining reprieves. However, as the number of troops climbed to 31,000 in 1814, the number of death sentences climbed to 160, with only 14 reprieved (Grodzinski, 6). Courts martial generally decided the fate of those who deserted. Likely understanding the austere conditions of the expedition, Clark drafted guidelines prior to their departure on how to deal with misbehavior on the part of members of the expedition. In the guidelines, Clark wrote that courts martial would comprise seven individuals: one interpreter or sergeant to act as the president, at least one commanding officer, and five privates (Mussulman). Article 35 of the Articles of War dictated that all the members of the court-martial would give their vote toward a verdict.

The commanders of the expedition would have been bound by the June 30, 1775 Articles of War enacted by the Continental Congress. Depending on the nature of the offense, the court martial would have decided the punishment. According to Articles 8 and 9, for soldiers deserting, the punishment would be at the discretion of a court martial. However, Article 25 requires death for an ‘officer or soldier…who abandons any post committed to their charge’ (Vargas). According to Diffendal et al., there may have been no point to recapturing LaLiberté since he was a civilian and therefore his offense was not as serious, though he did steal a horse. Diffandal et al. may be in the minority, for other sources wrote that LaLiberté would have indeed been bound by the Articles of War (Maurer), particularly Article 32, which read: “All suttlers [sic] and retailers to a camp, and all persons whatsoever, serving with the continental army in the field, though not enlisted soldiers, are to be subject to the articles, rules, and regulations of the continental army.”

Little is known about LaLiberté after he escaped. However, there are a couple of possibilities. According to the St. Louis, Missouri archives, a Joseph LaLiberté married Julie Village on 11 January 1835. Others speculate that he may have lived with the Oto Indians for a number of years (Royot, 171). Others wrote that LaLiberté may have found himself near Jefferson City, MO, and dying under the name of Joab Barton in 1820 (Woodger & Toropov).

Marriage record of Joseph LaLiberté, found in Book 1, p.246 marriage records, recorder of deeds, St. Louis, MO.

References

• Avalon.law.yale.edu. 2022. Avalon Project – Journals of the Continental Congress – Articles of War, June 30, 1775. [online] Available at: <https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/contcong _06-30-75.asp> [Accessed 9 March 2022].
• Blyth, Lance R. "Fugitives from Servitude: American Deserters and Runaway Slaves in Spanish Nacogdoches, 1803-1808." East Texas Historical Journal, vol 38, no. 2, 2000, pp. 3-14.
• Diffendal, Anne P.; Moulton, Gary E.; Shambaugh-Miller, Michael; and Diffendal, Robert F. (1999). "Reconnaissance Survey of Lewis and Clark on the Missouri National Recreational River, Nebraska and South Dakota"(1999). Papers in Natural Resources. 294
• Grodzinski, John R. “”Bloody Provost”: Discipline during the War of 1812.” Canadian Military History, vol. 16, no. 2, 2007, pp. 25-32.
• Maurer, Dan, "Military Justice Under Washington," Military Affairs, vol. 18 (1964-65), 8.
• Mussulman, Joseph. “Discovering Lewis and Clark.” Discovering Lewis and Clark, 2022, http://www.lewis-clark.org/article/2640.
• Royot, Daniel. 2007. Divided Loyalties in a Doomed Empire. Rosemont Publishing & Printing Corp.: Cranbury NJ.
• Vargas, Mark A. "The Military Justice System and the Use of Illegal Punishments as Causes of Desertion in the US Army, 1821-1835." The Journal of Military History, vol. 55, no. 1, 1991, pp. 1-19.
• Woodger, Elin & Toropov, Brandon. (2004). Encyclopedia of the Lewis and Clark Expedition. Facts on File: USA.
• W. Winthrop, Military Law and Precedents 17, 45 (2d ed. 1920 reprint) https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.35112101338624&view=1up&seq=14

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After the Expedition – Francois Rivet

Born circa 1757 in Montreal, Canada, Francois Rivet joined the expedition in 1804. Rivet appeared to be a rather robust and active member of the expedition, adept at helping morale. Rivet was known for dancing on his head (Ordway, November 27, 1804). Rivet’s joie de vivre may explain his long life. Rivet passed away at the approximate age of 95 on September 27, 1852, and was buried two days later in St. Paul, Oregon in the Williamette Valley (S-15, p. 50). Present was one son of Francois, Antoine. Joseph Rivet, Francois’ other son, passed away earlier in the year (S-5, p. 46b) due to alcoholism (A-85). Rivet’s widow, Therese Flathead passed away shortly after Francois. She was buried on October 13, 1852. Her son, Antoine was a witness (S-17, p.51).

According to the archives of the St. Paul Catholic church in St. Paul, Oregon, Rivet had been hunting and trapping for 20 years prior to the expedition. Then, from 1813 to 1824, Rivet worked as an interpreter and hunter (Tubbs & Jenkinson). Rivet had a reported third son in 1816, Francois Jr. (Watson). In 1824, Rivet served as an interpreter for Alexander Ross’ Snake Country Expedition (Elliot). Afterward, he arrived in Oregon to interpret for the Hudson Bay Company and act as “kind of a hedge blacksmith” at Fort Colville in what is now Kettle Falls, Washington (A-85). Francois’ youngest son died in 1830 on a Snake River bound expedition, drowning in a whirlpool in the Dalles (Watson). In 1839, Rivet took a claim south of St. Paul (A-85; Tubbs & Jenkinson). By accounts of the church archives, Rivet became active in the community.

The Catholic Church recognized Francois Rivet’s marriage to Therese Flathead [Tete Platte in French, (Jackson)] in 1838 (Tubbs & Jenkinson), and there is evidence to suggest that Francois and Therese may have originally married in late 1782 (Rivet). Rivet met Therese when she was a young 19-year-old widow with a baby girl (Jackson). Rivet was Therese’ second husband. Her first husband was killed in battle against the Blackfeet (Flora & Courchane). Therese brought her baby daughter, Julia into her marriage with Rivet (Jackson), and Julia took Rivet’s name (Phillips). On July 13, 1840, Rivet was the Godfather to Archange Tyelis, a middle-aged Indian woman who was baptized (B-267, p. 7), and another infant girl of mixed descent (B-295, p. 20) later that year. On November 29, 1840, Rivet was again Godfather to a teenage girl, Catherine Hu (B-33, p. 16). Rivet also served as a witness for three marriages (M-11, p. 59; M-14, p. 67; M-6, p. 86) and was present for the burial of a Joseph PendOreille (S-6, p. 35). Even though Rivet was mentioned briefly on 13 occasions in the Lewis and Clark journals, one can gather a sufficient idea as to who the man was. In fact, Rivet’s active life full of love and loss served as inspiration for a fictional account of his life in The Gates of the Mountains (Henry).

Reference

Elliott, Thompson C. "Journal of Alexander Ross—Snake Country Expedition, 1824." The Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society, vol. 14, no. 4, (1913): 366-385.

Flora, Stephanie, and Chalk Courchaine. “Peter Skene Ogden: Pioneer of 1817.” Retrieved from http://www.oregonpioneers.com/bios/PeterSkeneOgden_1817.pdf&ved=2ahUKEwjCieDtrd32AhWKD0QIHcmXAL8QFnoECAQQAQ&usg=AOvVaw0GvUoAIxcGc0tBzmheCXOe

Henry, Will. The Gates of the Mountains. NewYork, Random House, 1963.

Jackson, John C. “Old Rivet.” The Magazine of Northwest History vol.18, no. 2 (2004): 1-7

Munnick, Harriet Duncan. 1979. Catholic Church Records of the Pacific Northwest: St. Paul, Oregon 1839-1898. Binford & Mort: Portland, Oregon

Phillips, Lisa. "Transitional Identities: Negotiating Social Transitions in the Pacific NW 1825-1860s." Canadian Political Science Review, vol 2, no. 2, (2008): 21-40.

Rivet, Tom. “François Rivet (1754 – 1852).” Wikitree, 2014, https://www.wikitree.com/ wiki/Rivet-234.

Tubbs, Stephenie Ambrose, and Clay Jenkinson. The Lewis and Clark Companion: An Encyclopedic Guide to the Voyage of Discovery. Macmillan, 2003.

Watson, Bruce McIntyre. Lives Lived West of the Divide: A Biographical Dictionary of Fur Traders Working West of the Rockies, 1793-1858. The University of British Columbia, 2010.

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While it is possible that Whitehouse stayed behind and others relayed their experience upon return, there is evidence to suggest that he also attended. As he was dying around 1860, Whitehouse gave his journal to his Catholic confessor (Gatten and Fifer Joseph Whitehouse | Discovering Lewis & Clark ®). If Whitehouse took the sacraments of the Catholic Church seriously to the point where he confessed his sins prior to his passing, he likely would have also attended the Mass where he could witness the discomfort of his comrades during the Catholic mass (Whitehouse May 20, 1804 | Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition). It would not have been a ‘novelty’ to a Catholic; but it would have been a novelty to “them,” as he wrote in his journal.  Due to the documented changes in the Catholic Church, it is possible to make some assumptions pertaining to the service that was held on May 20, 1804. Prior to the second Vatican Council in 1969 which implemented the Novus Ordo (new order of the Mass), Catholic services were conducted in Latin. A Catholic service prior to Novus Ordo conducted in Latin may certainly have looked unique to American members of the expedition. Additionally, whereas Protestant services and Catholic Novus Ordo services would have the pastor facing the congregation, in a traditional Latin mass the priest faces toward the altar, with his back to the laity (Evangelista). Thus, the entire church faces God in their worship.

Lastly, since Catholic services operate on a calendar, it is thus possible to determine what the readings were for that day. In 1804, Easter fell on April 1. The seventh Sunday after Easter was May 20, which also happened to be Pentecost. Using the schedule of readings for the old Tridentine calendar, the reading would have been from Acts 2:1-11 and the Gospel reading would have been from John 14:23-31. These would likely have been the scriptures that the members of the expedition heard.   

As far as Lewis and Clark were concerned, they were both Deists (Slaughter, 20; Mussulman). While Deists accept the concept of providence, generally they do not ascribe to a particular religion or offer any strict allegiance toward one. Even though Clark had his three eldest children baptized Catholic, he also helped to establish the first Episcopal parish in St. Louis (Mussulman). Though it is unknown to what faith the other expedition members ascribed, due to the Great Awakening that had swept the English-speaking world in the 1730s and 1740s, Presbyterians, Baptists, and Methodists had become the largest Protestant denominations by the start of the 19th century (Library of Congress). Depending on where the members of the expedition hailed from, researchers can make some assumptions. For example, Pennsylvania had a large German population, many of whom were Lutheran. New England was chiefly Congregational and Unitarian. Methodists, Baptists and Presbyterians were growing especially in regions west of the Appalachians. Many folks were happy to support Protestant churches as signs of civilization and community uplift, but this says little about their religious beliefs, if any. The Great Awakening had diversified religion in America in the 18th century, but the early republic was one of the lowest periods in American history for church membership and religious practice (Erickson, Nov. 17). However, there is reason to suggest that the French engagés were at least nominal Catholics. The baptism, marriage, and burial registers at St. Charles Borromeo make note of Jean Baptiste Deschamps, Charles Pineau, Charles Hebert, Paul Primeau, Jean Baptiste Lajeunesse, Etienne Malboeuf, and Pierre Roy. In fact, Father Lusson baptized Charles Pineau at St. Charles Borromeo the week before the expedition left St. Charles (Brown). Deschamps, La Jeunesse, Malboeuf, and Pineau, were among those tasked with returning to St. Louis with Corporal Warfington (Buckley, 51), and Deschamps was listed as the “patroon” [sic] of the engagés (Moore, 3). 

The history of St. Charles Borromeo was indicative of the events surrounding the Louisiana Purchase. While the French had control of the area, a government stipend was paid to priests who ministered in their respective churches. However, once the U.S. had acquired the territory, the stipends ceased, despite U.S. Army Captain Amos Stoddard’s objections. Eventually, Father Lusson left the parish in October 1804, but not before educating the remaining faithful of St. Charles. There was evidence to suggest that Lusson prepared the parish to operate without him, for there were baptisms and burials shortly after Fr. Lusson’s departure performed by laymen Noel Prieur and Pierre Troge (Brown, 29, 30). Pierre Troge would have likely been at the service on May 20, 1804 also. Having moved to St. Charles from Cahokia in 1791, Troge served St. Charles as the parish sacristan, who was in charge of the vestments, sacred objects, and the room in which they were stored. Noted for his poor penmanship and spelling, Troge died in 1812 and was buried under the floor of the original log church (Brown, 26).  

The Council of Trent had formally codified the right for Catholic priests to grant the laity the ability to conduct baptisms and burials in the 16th century.  Both Catholics and Orthodox have always allowed laypersons to baptize and to bury in case of emergency or other exceptional circumstances. By the time of the expedition, the Concordat between Napoleon I and the Pope had smoothed out difficulties between revolutionary France and Rome, and other provisions of Trent would be in force throughout French possessions (Erickson, Nov.11). Even though St. Charles was no longer a French possession, the allowance for the laity to perform baptisms and burials continued in lieu of an assigned priest.  

References

• Brown, Jo Ann. St. Charles Borromeo 200 Years of Faith. The Patrice Press, 1991.
• Brown, Jo Ann. “The St. Charles Boatmen | Discovering Lewis & Clark ®.” The St. Charles Boatmen | Discovering Lewis & Clark ®, Www.lewis-clark.org, 2021, http://www.lewis-clark.org/article/309#footnote3_aba0fao.
• Buckley, Jay H. William Clark: Indian Diplomat. University of Oklahoma Press, 2008.
• Clark, William. “May 20, 1804 | Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition.” May 20, 1804 | Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu, 30 August. 1803, https://lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu/item/lc.jrn.1804-05-20#n04052007.
• Erickson, John. Email to Andrew Fournier. November 11, 2021.
• Erickson, John. Email to Andrew Fournier. November 17, 2021.
• Evangelista, Mark Aurel. “Philippine Sacred Architecture-design Of a Village Chapel.” Vienna University of Technology, 2021.
• Gatten, Robert E., and Barbara Fifer. “Joseph Whitehouse | Discovering Lewis & Clark ®.” Joseph Whitehouse | Discovering Lewis & Clark ®, Www.lewis-clark.org, http://www.lewis-clark.org/article/2583.
• Moore, Robert. “The French Connection of Lewis and Clark.” Le Journal, vol. 25, no. 1, 2009, pp. 1–7.
• Mussulman, Joseph. “Deists in the ‘Wilderness’ | Discovering Lewis & Clark ®.” Deists In the ‘Wilderness’ | Discovering Lewis & Clark ®, Www.lewis-clark.org, 2013, http://www.lewis-clark.org/article/2451#Note4.
• “Religion in Eighteenth-Century America – Religion and the Founding of the American Republic Exhibitions (Library of Congress).” Loc.gov, 2018, www.loc.gov/exhibits/religion/rel02.html.
• Slaughter, Thomas P. Exploring Lewis and Clark: Reflections on men and wilderness. Vintage, 2007.
• Whitehouse, Joseph. “May 20, 1804 | Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition.” May 20, 1804 | Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu, 30 August. 1803, https://lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu/item/lc.jrn.1804-05-20#n04052007.
• TAGS: French Language and the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Lewis and Clark, Meriwether Lewis, William Clark, Lewis and Clark Trail, religion, Joseph Whitehouse, Catholicism

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Up until 1754, Francois Vallé and his family resided in Kaskaskia. Francois was a wealthy landowner, miner, trader, and businessman. He was considered the wealthiest man in Upper Louisiana (Ekberg). His son, Jean Baptiste Vallé would appear in Lewis and Clark’s journal entries. Francois would return to Kaskaskia from his new residence in Ste. Genevieve in 1755 to witness the marriage of two people he enslaved (Ekberg, 36). After moving to St. Genevieve, Francois bought a house in Kaskaskia at auction of the deceased Louis Turpin (Ekberg, 41). While it is unknown exactly why Francois bought the house, it was likely that the changing political landscape influenced his decision. Francois may have been hedging his bets if war had broken out west of the Mississippi, and bought the house to move his family in case of hostilities (Ekberg, 41). As of 1780 there were intense anti-American sentiments in the region, mostly in Cahokia, but also in Kaskaskia.

Located west of the Mississippi River, researchers noted that due to the flood of 1881 and shifting latitudes, after camping at the lower point of Horse Island, the expedition headed west around Kaskaskia Island. Latitudes shift because of the movement of the north and south magnetic poles. One survey in 2007 found that the North Magnetic Pole was moving north-northwest at about 34 miles per year. The Mississippi River now flows east of Kaskaskia, and Kaskaskia is no longer an island (Criss, 6). Despite several court challenges, Kaskaskia belongs to Illinois.

On November 28, 1803, the expedition arrived at Kaskaskia, and separated. While Clark and the rest of the party remained with the boat, Lewis entered Kaskaskia and met with Captains Russell Bissell, an infantry company commander, and Amos Stoddard, an artillery company commander, and informed them that he would be selecting candidates for the expedition from among their men (Salmon, 25). According to the journals, Lewis remained in Kaskaskia until December 5, 1803 and left on horseback to eventually meet the expedition in Cahokia on December 9. The ability to select volunteers for the expedition was found in a letter from the Secretary of War, Henry Dearborn. Dearborn wrote: “If any man in your Company should be disposed to join Capt. Lewis…you will detach them accordingly” (Woodger & Toropov, 194). Among the 12 men selected from Kaskaskia were Jean-Baptiste Deschamps, Francois Labiche, and Pierre Cruzatte (Royot, 167). Another man, Patrick Gass, was also selected. However, his recruitment posed some difficulty, as Captain Bissell hesitated to let him go since he was the only skilled carpenter assigned to Bissell’s unit. After Gass’s persistence and Lewis’s intervention, Bissell was forced to let Gass go (Woodger & Toropov, 194). Deschamps accompanied the expedition from Camp Dubois to Ft. Mandan (Royot, 167).

One of the most prominent members of the French trading colony was Pierre Ménard, in Cahokia, some 50 miles north along the Mississippi from Kaskaskia. Menard opened a store in Kaskaskia in 1789 and entered into a partnership with Francois Vallée (Royot, 97, 98). Vallée was a success in his own right, and the members of the expedition in 1804 should have known the family with their holdings. Vallée died in 1783, but he had become the richest man in a 500-mile radius (Ekberg, 17).

Kaskaskia continued to have relevance for at least one member of the expedition. Sergeant Patrick Gass, after his discharge from the expedition returned to Fort Kaskaskia. Gass was working there as the commissary assistant when the War of 1812 broke out. In 1813, Gass was stationed near St. Louis with a detachment assigned to monitor Indian activity.(Bridgman; Jacob).

References

• “‘Bound to the Western Waters’: The Discovery of Lewis and Clark’s Long-Lost Outpost of Ft. Kaskaskia | Illinois State Museum.” Illinoisstatemuseum.org, 2021, www.illinoisstatemuseum.org/content/%E2% 80%9Cbound-western-waters%E2%80%9D-discovery-lewis-and-clark%E2%80%99s-long-lost-outpost-ft-kaskaskia. Accessed 5 Oct. 2021.
• Bridgman, T. L. (2005). Sergeant Patrick Gass. Army Sergeants Major Academy Fort Bliss, TX, United States, https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/pdfs/AD1111537.pdf. Accessed 5 Nov. 2021.
• Criss, Robert E. "Mid-continental magnetic declination: A 200-year record starting with Lewis and Clark." GSA Today 13.10 (2003): 4-12.
• Ekberg, Carl J. François Vallé and His World: Upper Louisiana Before Lewis and Clark. United States, University of Missouri Press, 2002.
• Jacob, John G. The Life and Times of Patrick Gass, 1859.
• Lankiewicz, Donald P. "The Camp on Wood River: A Winter of Preparation for the Lewis and Clark Expedition." Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1908-1984) 75.2 (1982): 115-120.
• National Centers for Environmental Information, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. (2022). Tracking changes in Earth’s magnetic poles. Retrieved from https://www.ncei.noaa.gov/news/tracking-changes-earth-magnetic-poles.
• Royot, Daniel. Divided Loyalties in a Doomed Empire: The French in the West: from New France to the Lewis and Clark Expedition. University of Delaware Press, 2007.
• Salmon, John S. "Lewis and Clark Eastern Legacy Study." (2007).
• Woodger, Elin, and Toropov, Brandon. Encyclopedia of the Lewis and Clark Expedition. United States, Facts on File, Incorporated, 2014.
• Picture found at https://www.tripadvisor.com/Attraction_Review-g35950-d4437447-Reviews-Fort_Kaskaskia_State_Historic_Site-Ellis_Grove_Illinois.html#/media-atf/4437447/477974777:p/?albumid=-160&type=0&category=-160

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Originally, Drouillard was not meant to be part of the expedition. His position as an interpreter was offered to a man named John Conner (Skarsten). Conner was never hired though, and Drouillard was brought on at Fort Kaskaskia in his place. Drouillard’s father was French and his mother was Shawnee. He was proficient in French as well as several Native American languages, and a widely practiced Great Plains sign language. These skills, along with his talent as a hunter and pathfinder, would prove invaluable to the success of the expedition.

Both the Captains’ journals, and the responsibilities that they delegated to Drouillard, speak to the trust and respect that they held for the man. He was entrusted to run letters back and forth between Lewis and Clark during the winter of 1803-1804, when they were camped separately preparing to depart up the Missouri River. Drouillard was also the man sent after the deserters, men referred to as Reed and La Liberte, in early August 1804 (Skarsten).

Over the following months of travel, Drouillard proved why that esteem was so well-deserved. He was a talented riverboat pilot, involved in at least two recorded incidents in which he prevented the boats from upsetting and losing valuable time and supplies (Skarsten). He assisted with navigation and was a member of many successful hunting parties that provided the corps with much needed resources. Perhaps most importantly, his abilities as an interpreter made him a vital part of interactions and negotiations with the Native American peoples that the expedition encountered (Skarsten).

Drouillard was a member of the party that journeyed all the way to the Pacific Ocean, before returning to St. Louis. There, he became a fur trader in partnership with Manuel Lisa. The remainder of his life, in this profession, is well documented and tragically short. On a trapping venture in 1810, just 4 years after the expedition concluded, Drouillard was killed in a conflict with the Blackfeet (Skarsten).

Work Cited:

• Skarsten, M. O. (1964). George Drouillard, Hunter and interpreter for Lewis and Clark and fur trader, 1807-1810. Arthur H. Clark Co.

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Jean Baptiste Charbonneau – After the Corps of Discovery

Striking out with his mother Sacagawea and the Corps of Discovery, Jean Baptiste Charbonneau played a unique role in the Lewis and Clark expedition. Having a child along with the expedition served as a form of diplomacy, as potentially hostile Native Americans welcomed the expedition upon realizing the corps had a child in tow (Anderson). Adopted by Clark shortly after the expedition, Jean Baptiste was educated in St. Louis. Charbonneau left for Germany in 1823 to work for Prince Paul of Wurttemberg. Charbonneau became a polyglot, adding English, French, Spanish, and German to several native languages that he spoke (Colby). Charbonneau returned to the U.S. in 1829 (Courchane) and entered the service of the American Fur Company (Historical Society, Utah State).

There is scant evidence of Charbonneau’s whereabouts in the years following his return from Europe. According to Reading, Charbonneau evidently helped find some lost horses for an employee of the American Fur Company. By the fall of 1830, he and his party became lost around American Falls, ID. He set out to find water and spent 11 days trying to relocate his party, only to find that they had been rescued by a Hudson Bay Company employee that came upon them (Historical Society, Utah State). Later, he helped Joseph Meek deliver a dispatch to St. Louis. According to Nathaniel Wyeth, Charbonneau was with Jim Bridger in 1832 (Reading). Jim Bridger was a noted mountain man, trapper, Army scout, and later owner of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company. Later that year, Charbonneau traveled to Blackfoot country to trap beaver. William Smith wrote that a “Mr. Shabenare” traveled down the Platte River carrying pelts to St. Louis in 1839-40 (Reading). From 1842 to 1845, Charbonneau served at Bent’s Fort in St. Louis (Reading).

R. B. Sage, a 19th century American writer and journalist, commented on the man Charbonneau. He wrote that Charbonneau “proved to be a gentleman of superior information.” Commenting on his intelligence and multilingualism, Sage continued:

His mind, also, was well stored with choice reading, and enriched by extensive travel and observation. Having visited most of the important places, both in England, France, and Germany, he knew how to turn his experience to good advantage. There was a quaint humor and shrewdness in his conversation, so garbed with intelligence and perspicuity, that he at once insinuated himself into the good graces of listeners, and commanded their admiration and respect (Historical Society, Utah State).

One notable assignment was as a guide for the Mormon Battalion, in 1846, during the Mexican-American War. President Polk then instructed Secretary of War William Marcy to prepare the orders for the formation of a battalion of volunteers from among the Mormons in Iowa. The President hoped to “attach them to our country and prevent them from taking part against us” (Polk). The battalion set out in July of that year.

Route of the Mormon Battalion. Map courtesy of Kevin Henson.

In August 1846, the battalion mustered under the command of Lieutenant Colonel James Allen. However, Allen would not go with the battalion, for he passed away from congestive fever on August 31, 1846 (Missouri Republican). Lieutenant Colonel Cooke later assumed command of the march in New Mexico. Shortly thereafter, Jean Baptiste Charbonneau joined the battalion as a guide on their journey to San Diego, California. On December 9, 1846, the Mormon Battalion crossed the San Pedro River in what is now Cochise County, Arizona.

Marker erected by Boy Scouts commemorating spot of Mormon Battalion crossing the San Pedro River. The San Pedro River is in the background. Located at 31° 22.515′ N, 110° 6.826′ W.

Several days later, the Mormon Battalion arrived at another spot along the San Pedro River. Charbonneau would have been with the battalion during the only battle that the Mormon Battalion faced. During one event on December 12, 1846, the marchers came upon a herd of wild bulls. Sergeant Tyler described the events, which later came to be known as the Battle of the Bulls:

One small lead mule in a team was thrown on the horns of a bull over its mate on the near side, and the near mule, now on the off side and next to the bull, was gored. . .. One or two pack-mules were also killed. The end-gates of one or two wagons were stove in, and the sick, who were riding in them, were of course frightened. Some of the men climbed upon the wheels of the wagons and poured deadly fire into the enemy’s ranks. Some threw themselves down and allowed the beasts to run over them; others fired and dodged behind mezquit [sic] brush to re-load their guns, while the beasts kept them dodging to keep out of the way. Others, still, climbed up in small trees, there being now and then one available.

Brother Amos Cox was thrown about ten feet into the air, while a gore from three or four inches in length and about two or three in depth was cut in the inside of his thigh near its junction with the body. Sanderson sewed up the wound. Cox was an invalid for a long time, but finally recovered (Porter).

Erected by the Boy Scouts, a current marker sits near the spot of the Battle of the Bulls near the San Pedro River.

Historical marker for the Battle of the Bulls. The date of the marker is wrong. The ‘battle’ occurred on December 11, 1846. Located at 31° 37.577′ N, 110° 10.439′ W

Facing SE from Battle of the Bulls marker. San Pedro River in background

Facing north from Battle of the Bulls marker

After guiding the Mormon Battalion to their destination in San Diego, California, Charbonneau held a number of jobs. For a short time in 1847 to 1848, he was mayor of San Luis Rey, north of San Diego. Because he refused to enforce the same harsh policies toward Native Americans than his predecessors did, Charbonneau grew frustrated and resigned his position (Historical Society, Utah State). In 1866, he joined the rush to mine gold in Montana. However, he died en route and was buried at Inskip Station, Oregon. Jean Baptiste Charbonneau, through a life of adventure during westward expansion across North America, left an indelible mark on American history.

References

• Anderson, Irving W. "Sacajawea, Sacagawea, Sakakawea?." South Dakota History 8.4 (1978): 303-311.
• Colby, Susan M. Sacagawea’s Child: The Life and Times of Jean-Baptiste (Pomp) Charbonneau. University of Oklahoma Press, 2014.
• Courchane, Chalk. “Toussaint Charbonneau in the Pacific North in 1805.” Retrieved from http://www.oregonpioneers.com/bios/ToussaintCharbonneau.pdf&ved=2ahUKEwj4-rrtjlP3AhX2KEQIHdPKABcQFnoECAQQAQ&usg=AOvVaw3j3dzoY1_yayzV3-_1u3Fi
• Daily Missouri Republican (Saint Louis, Mo.: 1837) Daily Missouri Republican. St. Louis, Mo.: Charles & Paschall, 1837-1869. Vol. 15, no. 1168 (Mar. 14, 1837)-v. 47, no. 13 (Jan. 14, 1869).
• Polk, James Knox. The diary of James K. Polk during his presidency, 1845 to 1849. Vol. 6. Kraus Reprint, 1910.
• Porter, Larry C. “The Church and the Mexican-American War." Nineteenth Century Saints at War, edited by Robert C. Freeman, Religious Studies Center, BYU, 2006, 41-76.
• Reading, June. “Jean Baptiste Charbonneau." The Journal of San Diego History. vol. 11, no. 2, (1965). Retrieved from https://sandiegohistory.org/journal/1965/march/charbonneau/
• Ritter, Michael Lance. Jean Baptiste Charbonneau, Man of Two Worlds. CreateSpace Publishing, 2004.
• Sorensen, Stephen B. (2008) "History May Be Searched in Vain: A Military History of the Mormon Battalion by Sherman L. Fleek," BYU Studies Quarterly, vol. 47, no. 2, article 12, 161-66. (Book review by Sherman Fleek)
• Historical Society, Utah State. Jean Baptiste Charbonneau. February 11, 1805 – May 16, 1866. Number 428. Idaho Commission for Libraries: Boise, ID. (2008). Retrieved from https://utah-primoprod.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/primo-explore/fulldisplay?docid =digcoll_icl_ 39p16293coll3%2F5562&context=L&vid=MWDL&lang=en_US& search_scope=mw &adaptor=Local%20Search%20Engine&tab=default_tab&query=any ,contains,Jean%20Baptiste%20Charbonneau&offset=0

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Sainte Genevieve was born around 422, and she is commemorated on January 3 within the Catholic and Eastern Orthodox Churches. According to her narrative, Sainte Genevieve was known for her generosity to the poor. She gave so much that when she passed the age of 50, her bishops commanded her to add fish and milk to her diet. On more than one occasion, candles were known to light spontaneously in her hand, which is why many icons represent Sainte Genevieve as holding a candle. In 451, due to the approaching armies of Attila the Hun, Sainte Genevieve led the women of Paris in prayer and fasting. Attila the Hun instead moved to Orleans, where they were defeated. Consequently, she is the patron saint of Paris. Sainte Genevieve died in 512 at the age of 80. An effective cult had developed around the saint in Paris. Williams noted 120 processions of the saint’s relics in Paris between 1500 and 1793 (Williams, 339). There were three prominent processions in 1694 (after a drought that was met with rain immediately after the procession), 1725 (to stop the rain which continued; Williams, 332), and 1744 (to cure the King of smallpox which was cured three days later; Williams, 340). Revolutionaries in France destroyed the relics of Sainte Genevieve on December 3, 1793 (Williams, 349) as one of the manifestations of the French revolution.

Image depicting early Ste. Genevieve in its original location; cropped from a mural painted by Oscar E. Berninghous. Located in the Capitol bldg. in Jefferson City, MO. From https://www.visitstegen.com/our-historic-past/

Jacques Marquette and Louis Jolliet were the first explorers in the early summer of 1673 to visit what would become the site of Old Ste. Genevieve. First named Old Town (Mueller), later Frenchmen would establish the town about 75 years later (Ekberg, 44) around 1750, if not a few years earlier (Ekberg, 47). As of 1752, the total population was 23 (Recensement general du pays des Ilinois de 1752). Old Ste. Genevieve was the earliest permanent European settlement west of the Mississippi in Upper Louisiana (Ekberg, 45). Old Ste. Genevieve was peaceful in its first decade of existence, untouched by the French and Indian wars and left alone by the Osage Indians (Ekberg, 47). Not long after the flood of 1785, Ste. Genevieve moved to higher ground. In a letter to James Madison dated September 29, 1803, Clark wrote that at Ste. Genevieve there were about 30 Peoria and Illinois Indians. The Peoria and Illinois Indians refrained from hunting out of fear of encountering other Indians. They were the remnants of what numbered 1200 warriors 50 years previous (Carter).

The De Laurier family also figured prominently in Ste. Genevieve (Houck, 1908, p. 90). One of the De Laurier family in particular, Henry De Laurier, may have been one of the individuals mentioned as Mr. Henry Delorn in Clark’s September 6, 1806 entry (Moulton, 352). One resident of the town was paid by the expedition. Charles Gregoire, from Ste. Genevieve, was paid $1500 on March 28, 1804 (Lewis). However, since the note may about Gregoire was possibly a later addition, Gregoire may not have been in Ste. Genevieve at the time. Clark dined with Francois Duquette, a former resident of Ste. Genevieve, in Ste. Charles on May 16, 1804 (Clark). Jean Vallé was also from Ste. Genevieve (October 1, 1804).

Son of Francois Vallé, Jean Baptiste and his wife Marie-Jeanne moved in with Francois (home built in 1785) to care for his father just prior to his death in 1783. Francois had made a fortune through mining and trading during his time, and his estate was divided among his descendants. Researchers speculate that Jean’s mother passed in 1781 possibly due to a yellow fever epidemic as there was an outbreak that had passed through Ste. Genevieve (Barnett). According to Clark’s journal for November 28, 1803, the expedition arrived at a landing on the other side of St. Genevie [sic] (Clark). By the time of the expedition, the population of New Ste. Genevieve was around 1000. About one week later, Clark gave further descriptions of the town. He wrote that the town was primarily French with about 120 families. North and South Gabourie creeks, which ran north and south of Ste. Genevieve, were likely named for an early French settler and stone mason (Mueller), Laurent Gabourie. There was evidently a Kickapoo village near Ste. Genevieve (Houck, 362). Some argue that Clark’s reference to sending Lorimer to Kickapoo Town may refer to Shawnee. The Shawnee and Delawares were in around Ste. Genevieve, having been pushed west by pressure from other tribes and the American westward movement. There was a big Shawnee village on Apple Creek (Ste. Genevieve district’s southern border with Cape Girardeau district). Lorimer was the head of the Cape Girardeau, and his wife was Shawnee. Both the Shawnee and Kickapoo were allies and shared a similar language. The Kickapoos were an enemy of the Osage who had populated most of Missouri south of the Missouri River. The Kickapoo Indians turned to be a strong American ally. Lewis later wrote that he had spoken to the Kickapoo (Mueller). Lewis informed them that their enemy, the Osage Indians, were no longer under the protection of the United States, and that the Kickapoo were free to deal with them as they saw fit (Gibson, 97). According to Clark’s survey of Indians, there were Peoria and Illinois Indians near Ste. Genevieve (Clark).

Ste. Genevieve was among several towns considered to be the capital after Missourians voted for their first state officials in August 1820 (Ohman, 10). When plans were being made in 1913-1914 for a rebuilt capital building in Jefferson City, John Gill and Sons attempted to use Ste. Genevieve as the site for the quarry to mine the stone. A quarry at Ste. Genevieve would have saved the construction effort $137,000. However, the board governing construction insisted in mining the stone from Carthage, on the western side of Missouri (Ohman, 77).

References

• Barnett, Todd. "François Vallé – SHSMO Historic Missourians." SHSMO Historic Missourians, historicmissourians.shsmo.org/francois-valle. Accessed 29 Oct. 2021.
• Carter, Clarence, editor. The Territorial Papers of the United States, 1854-1872. Washington, D.C., National Archives.
• Clark, William. “December 4, 1803 Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition.” Lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu, https://lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu/item/lc.jrn.1803-12-04#lc.jrn.1803-12-04.01. Accessed 13 Oct. 2021.
• Clark, William. “May 16, 1804 Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition.” Lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu, lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu/item/lc.jrn.1804-05-16#lc.jrn.1804-05-16.01. Accessed 13 Oct. 2021.
• Clark, William. “November 28, 1803 Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition.” Lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu, lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu/item/lc.jrn.1803-11-28#lc.jrn.1803-11-28.02. Accessed 13 Oct. 2021.
• Clark, William. “October 2, 1804 Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition.” Lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu, https://lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu/item/lc.jrn.1804-10-02#lc.jrn.1804-10-02.02. Accessed 28 Oct. 2021.
• Clark, William. “Part 2: Estimate of the Eastern Indians Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition.” Lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu, lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu/item/lc.jrn.1804-1805.winter.part2#lc.jrn.1804-1805.winter.part1.01. Accessed 13 Oct. 2021.
• Ekberg, Carl J. François Vallé and his World: Upper Louisiana before Lewis and Clark. University of Missouri Press, 2002.
• Gibson, Arrell Morgan. The Kickapoos: Lords of the Middle Border. Norman Okla., University of Oklahoma Press, 2006.
• Lewis, Meriwether. “Various Dates, December 4, 1803-March 29, 1804 Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition.” Lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu, lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu/item/lc. jrn.1804-03-29-1#lc.jrn.1804-03-29-1.01. Accessed 13 Oct. 2021.
• Houck, Louis. A History of Missouri: Volume I. Ville Platte, La., Provincial Press, 2001.
• Houck, Louis, A History of Missouri: Volume II. Chicago, Il., R. R. Donnelley & Sons Company, 1908.
• Mueller, Robert. Interview. By Andrew Fournier, December 14, 2021.
• Moulton, Gary E.. The Definitive Journals of Lewis & Clark: From the Ohio to the Vermillion. United States, University of Nebraska Press, 2002.
• “October 1, 1804 Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition.” Lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu, lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu/item/lc.jrn.1804-10-01#lc.jrn.1804-10-01.01. Accessed 13 Oct. 2021.
• Ohman, Marian M. "The history of Missouri capitols." (1982).
• "Quel est le bâtiment le plus ancien de votre état? – Cartes Étranges Novembre 2021." Un Grand Penseur, fr.gov-civ-guarda.pt/how-young-is-oldest-building-your-state. Accessed 1 Nov. 2021.
• “Recensement général du pays des Ilinois de 1752”. Reference Huntington Museum, Loudon Papers, Vaudreuil subsection, call No. LO426. S1.Sos.mo.gov, s1.sos.mo.gov/CMSImages /MDH/1752.pdf. Accessed 22 Oct. 2021.
• “September 6, 1806 Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition.” Lewisandclarkjournals. unl.edu, lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu/item/lc.jrn.1806-09-06#lc.jrn.1806-09-06.01. Accessed 13 Oct. 2021.
• Williams, Hannah. "Saint Geneviève’s miracles: art and religion in eighteenth-century Paris." French History 30.3 (2016): 322-353.

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In general, French officials who visited the United States at the start of the 19th century enjoyed both the country and the company. The anonymous officer wrote that the Americans “stay honest every time we meet, to reach out willingly and while shaking hands” (Anonymne, p. 1, translated). Furthermore, he remarked with surprise that whenever one meets an American, they start a conversation by asking “how are you doing today” and “I feel fortunate to see you today” (Anonymne, p. 1, translated). Although these manners are the social norm today, it seems that the author was surprised that Americans would always greet one another in such a way. At the time, French society was extremely hierarchical, so one only spoke with other members of their class and the French highly valued rituals like a proper introduction. In contrast to their rigid societal rules, the French travelers seem to have appreciated the Americans’ openness and friendliness.

This surprised attitude extended to Americans’ dietary behaviors. The anonymous document continues for two pages about the settlers’ eating habits. He writes that Americans spend “the majority of their life at the table” (Anonymne, p. 1, translated). Their spirit of cheer was shown during meals that lasted hours at a time over several courses. American table manners were also questionable for the Frenchman, who was astonished to see them using the tablecloth as a napkin and serving themselves before others. At one point, he even said that he found the Americans so relaxed that he’s surprised they fight as well as they do.

Although the French saw American society as different from theirs, including an all-around more relaxed atmosphere, it’s clear that they valued each other and were willing to work together. This is shown in the Lewis and Clark expedition, which involved the participation of a number of French-Canadian explorers and tradesmen, including Toussaint Charbonneau, George Drouillard, and brothers Rene-Auguste and Jean-Pierre Chouteau.

Many early opinions that French visitors and colonists had on Americans and their way of life have continued into modern day relations. The United States still has a reputation for being vibrant and hospitable. Not to mention, there is a lasting stereotype about the United States being a country of overeaters; the Center for Disease Control reports that the obesity rate in 2018 was 42.4% among adults (Center for Disease Control, 2021). Whatever else the French thought of Americans over two centuries ago, one of the most telling predictions is from one French officer who wrote that the US could be “the most powerful empire in the entire world” (Nicolai, p. 126).

Bibliography

• “Adult Obesity Facts.” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 30 Sept. 2021, www.cdc.gov/obesity/data/adult.html.
• Anonymne. (XVe-XIXe siècle). “Manière de vivre des Américains.” Papiers provenant des sous-séries supprimées F/40/I (Guerre), F/50 (Marine et Colonies) et F/60 (Affaires étrangères). Paris, France; Archives Nationales.
• Nicolai, Martin L. “Trade, Colonies, and State Power: French Officers’ Economic Views on French and English America, 1755-1783.” Proceedings of the Meeting of the French Colonial Historical Society, vol. 19, Michigan State University Press, 1994, pp. 111–27, http://www.jstor.org/stable/43007768.

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Neither Lewis nor Clark spoke languages other than English, and so they were reliant on the members of their expedition who did in order to communicate with the Native peoples. It is possible that, as a result, some of the intentions and nuances that accompanied their phrasing was not translated along with the words. For example, both men addressed the Native Americans that they spoke with as “Children”, though those Native Americans were adults and often leaders in their own right. This way of referring to the people they encountered has a patronizing tone that may not have been conveyed through the multiple languages necessary for conversation (Vinikas).  

Following English, the next language in the chain of translation was usually French. Though some members of the expedition, such as French Shawnee tracker George Drouillard, also spoke some Native American languages or sign language. This sign language was a common language that allowed communication between differing peoples and communities. There are some regional variations of this sign language, but ultimately it facilitated interactions between peoples with separate spoken languages (Davis). At times, using this sign language, members of the expedition were able to communicate directly to the people, however, that was not usually the case (Skarsten). So, the captains would speak English to one of the French-speaking members of the expedition, often Drouillard or Francois Labiche, a French Omaha trader from Fort Kaskaskia among a few others (Francois). Depending on the Tribe they were engaging these men would then relay the message in French to Toussaint Charbonneau, a French-Canadian fur trader who was brought along on the expedition primarily for his valuable place in this chain of communication (Toussaint). 

After being told Lewis or Clark’s words in French from one of the other men, Charbonneau would translate them into Hidatsa for his wife, Sacagawea. She was Lemhi Shoshone, and the expedition’s trade with her people during the journey proved to be invaluable. This was especially true when the expedition bargained with the Shoshones for horses (Francois). After listening to her husband’s Hidatsa, she would speak to the Shoshones in her native Shoshone. Once they had replied to her, she would relay that message back to Charbonneau and the words would travel back down the chain of translation in the other direction. This tedious process would continue until an agreement had been reached.  

At one point in the expedition, the chain of communication stretched even farther, adding yet one more person, and the language needed to speak to them. While traveling with their Shoshone guide over the mountains in late 1805, the party met the Salish, or Flatheads, people with whom their guide was able to communicate. These people were called Flatheads despite the fact that they did not practice the flattening of children’s skulls as was common to other Columbia River tribes. So, after Sacagawea spoke to their guide in Shoshone, he would speak to the Salish and receive a reply to pass back (Francois).  

Despite the complicated nature of this chain of translation, and the number of hours required for the most basic of conversations, it was clearly successful. In their journals both Lewis and Clark praised the valuable skills of their translators and referred to the vital goods and information obtained from their interactions with various Tribal Nations. The fact that these translators were able to successfully make their intentions known, ask questions, and even conduct trade across not only the many languages needed to speak between themselves, but the numerous dialects of the peoples they encountered was truly impressive (Vinikas). Without the knowledge and input of each person involved in this lengthy chain of translation, it is possible that the expedition would have failed to reach its goal.  

Sources 

Vinikas, Vincent. The Historian, vol. 67, no. 1, Wiley, 2005, pp. 127–28, . 

Davis, J. (2017). Native American signed languages. Oxford Handbooks Online.

Skarsten, M. O. George Drouillard: Hunter and Interpreter for Lewis and Clark and Fur Trader, 1807-1810. University of Nebraska Press, 2005.  

“Francois Labiche.” Discovering Lewis and Clark, Lewis and Clark Trail Heritage Foundation, .  

“Toussaint Charbonneau.” Discovering Lewis and Clark, Lewis and Clark Trail Heritage Foundation, .  

 U.S. Department of the Interior. (n.d.). Salish. National Parks Service. Retrieved January 31, 2022, from

Tags: French Language and the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Lewis and Clark, Meriwether Lewis, William Clark, Lewis and Clark Trail, Charbonneau, Sacagawea, Sacajawea, Drouillard, Labiche, language,

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